Man on street handing out flyers while wearing a clapboard that says

The New York Public Library/Unsplash(Public Domain)杰森·里德(Jason Reed)的混音

Juiceland Strikers和乘车司机如何在线组织

'We've always had an agenda.'

Laiken Neumann

IRL

发布于9月3日,2021年9月7日,2021年,7:12 AM CDT

Labor organizing no longer solely looks like street-sweeping protests or public rallies. At least, those methods can’t work alone. Today, labor movements are shared on Instagram, Craigslist, and other online platforms.

在谈判进行罢工的职业duction warehouse and storefront workers, Texas-based smoothie company JuiceLand halted all cooperation with the strikers. When the production workers shared a statement to the strikers’ Instagram account, @juicelandworkersrights, calling on their higher-ups to admit the company’s faults, the executives drew the line.

“What we see is the opportunity for JuiceLand to put their ethics over money by becoming a leader in this movement for fair and sustainable workers’ rights for all,” the statement reads. “This starts with taking ownership for their part in the upholding of these systems.”

JuiceLand, a company founded in 2001 that boasts fresh smoothies, healthy eats, and a “fun” work environment, now has 35 storefronts across Austin, Houston, and Dallas. Its Austin-based production workers began striking May 14, after expressing their concerns about hostile working conditions and being forced to work beyond their scheduled work hours. Workers said they had an unproductive meeting mediated by the human resources department, so they walked out.

The production workers called up the storefronts to let them know they were striking, with some of the shop workers striking in solidarity, which closed down nine shops by the end of the weekend. From there, shop workers shared their own demands, complaining about the $8 per hour base pay and the racism and sexism some said they faced in the work environment. The strikers formed their Instagram account, which allowed them to communicate directly with the public, and chronicled their negotiations with the executive team at JuiceLand as they happened.

尽管前锋的大胆在线组织策略将这一运动赋予了公众,但并非没有风险。5月20日,生产工人的帖子导致高管取消了他们第二天早上安排的会议。

“After we sent that out, I think by 8 o’clock that night, they had emailed us and said that they canceled the meeting because, ‘It’s clear that we have an agenda,’” one striker told the Daily Dot. “Which, it is clear. We’ve always had an agenda: Fix the actual issues instead of glossing over them.”

That’s where the negotiations stopped and the hostility began, the strikers said. Some of the strikers received cease-and-desists citing defamation from upper management for posts made on the account. JuiceLand executives haven’t met with the strikers since canceling the meeting. Soon after, they sent emails to its striking employees on June 3 notifying them that their positions had been either already permanently filled or soon would be. The company hired strikebreakers, also known as scabs, to replace them, and soon a full-fledged attempt to bury the strike began, the strikers said.

JuiceLand declined the Daily Dot’s request for comment.

The JuiceLand strikers used the momentum they gained on social media to build collective power. Though negotiations have halted for the moment, the workers are looking at other ways of holding the company accountable—and their Instagram account remains an accessible tool for them to reach other workers, their community, and JuiceLand’s clientele.

Juiceland Strike是现代劳动组织的代表。劳工运动没有组织扫街的抗议活动,而是在Instagram上分享(或最多与身体抗议活动同时存在)。必威官网手机版社交媒体和技术为工人提供了新的获得力量的途径,该途径由Juiceland Strikers和Rideshare Drivers United展出,这是一个在2017年在洛杉矶成立的Uber和Lyft司机的国家组织。

As Erin Hatton, an associate professor at the University of Buffalo’s Department of Sociology, told the Daily Dot, traditional “capital L” labor unions have been slow to adapt to the internet and social media. But newfound labor organizers have taken digital organizing by the reins.

Accessibility of digital spaces

Traditional means of labor organizing are difficult. While taking up physical space is powerful, Hatton noted that it can be dangerous for workers and hard to access—which is what makes digital spaces so appealing.

哈顿说:“身体组织的障碍是工​​会下降的众多原因之一。”“It’s extremely difficult to organize workers for so many reasons, not least of which is just the economic realities of their lives, the fear of being fired because if they’re not working there, they need to be working somewhere else to feed their family.”

莫斯(Mo)是一名乘车司机联合志愿者,他正在帮助在奥斯丁(Austin)开始该组织,他说低薪和长时间增加了挑战。

“For a large majority of us, we don’t have the time to spend for causes other than supporting ourselves and helping our family, because we have to be on the road,” he said. “You have to be out in the field, rain or shine, snow or whatever. You have to keep driving.”

Mo has been a ride-hail driver for seven years, and he says the conditions have only gotten worse. Uber削减里程薪率from $0.80 to $0.60 in 2019, while prices have appeared to simultaneously increase for riders. Both Uber and Lyft have failed to provide proper support for damages and operational expenses to their employees, who are legally classified as independent contractors. Drivers are also not provided health benefits.

Mo found Rideshare Drivers United through Craigslist and is helping to spearhead the movement in Austin, where it is just beginning.

“I thought it was a scam,” he said with a chuckle, “but I just put my name down and I thought, ‘Well, however bad it is, let’s just see where this goes.’”

Like Mo, ride-hail drivers across the nation are learning about the organization and their demands through the internet. Ina 2019 study, Brian Dolber, an assistant professor at California State University San Marcos and volunteer with Drivers United, found that pairing social media with traditional means of organizing was instrumental in modern-day labor organizing, particularly for workers who lack the water-cooler chat that could lead to union organizing.

Recruiting atomized workers

For gig workers like ride-hail drivers, who are classified as independent contractors, worker solidarity can be hard to foster, as they lack a traditional shared workspace like an office or a factory. Hatton said because these workers are atomized, organizing is all the more complicated, which is where the benefits of digital recruitment come in.

应用程序开发商Ivan Pardo于2017年加入Rideshare Drivers,成为志愿者,建立了一个平台,将加密文本发送给驾驶员,该组织通过该平台收集了有关对驾驶员最重要问题的调查数据。

This helped form the Drivers’ Bill of Rights, which demands fair pay, transparency from apps on fare breakdown for both drivers and customers, recognition of the organization from both Uber and Lyft, and a cap on the number of active ride-hail vehicles to slow carbon emissions and prevent excessive traffic.

In addition to text technology, the team also created an app for drivers to communicate with each other, especially ahead of national rallies or strikes. But the prime factor in growing the organization has been targeted Facebook posts, which they promote through the social media website to reach drivers. The study found social media advertising to be a low-cost way for early-stage labor organizations to grow their numbers, with the group being able to gain new members at only $0.73 per person by 2019.

分享工人经验

虽然JuiceLand前锋Instagram账户came a space for direct communication with the public on where negotiations stood, it also operated as an anonymous line for workers to share their work experiences—with fewer threats to their livelihood.

Hatton emphasized that digital spaces offer workers new avenues to find patterns in their experiences and, in turn, solidarity. An anonymous platform provides a relatively safe space for workers to make those connections.

“Being recognized for one’s hardship is incredibly important on an individual level,” Hatton said. “But that sharing of stories, hearing of workplace experiences of the common workplace is the foundation of worker organizing. […] The internet provides this great platform to do so anonymously because workers are under a lot of pressure, coercive pressure specifically, to not speak up, not pushback, to not give voice to those problems that they’re experiencing, especially when the working conditions are dangerous or are full of harassment or racism and discrimination.”

Juiceland Strikers在分享了几次工人经历后意识到了这种模式。他们仍然收到来自工人的大量未发表的直接信息,他们在看到其他人也这样做后不得不说出来。

“When we put those stories out there more came in, because people were finally comfortable speaking up and saying what their problems were and what their experiences have been,” one of the organizers said. “[…] I’m glad it’s been able to help people in that way.”

Who controls the narrative

前锋说,Juiceland的高管还采取了自己的措施来控制叙述,包括禁止对Juiceland主要帐户中某些帖子的评论,并删除对他人的负面评论。

“No one can publicly leave a comment about how shitty they’ve been to the JuiceLand strikers, and how essentially they fired them by permanently replacing them,” they said, “and they’re just trying to control the conversation there, silencing us and our supporters, or doing the best that they can.”

However, the strikers noted that they actively utilized social media in order to contact the same type of audience as JuiceLand’s young, hip clientele. Hatton agreed that social media can, in some way, level the playing field of communication.

哈顿说:“互联网已经被企业利益所吸引了很多,以至于他们是一种收回应用程序和社交媒体技术的工人权力,这令人兴奋。”必威官网手机版“我认为我们还没有看到它的尽头,而且我们也没有充分看到它。”

尽管他们继续进行罢工,但工人在继续努力使Juiceland负责的过程中放慢了他们在社交媒体上的帖子。必威官网手机版尽管挑战从传达他们的故事和公开更新方面提出了挑战,但前锋敦促其他工人也这样做,因为这是整体建立团结的重要组成部分。

“It may seem impossible to get these issues out there, get your story out, or any stories or experiences out and with this, clearly, we were able to do it,” one of the JuiceLand strikers said. “We were able to make this bigger than we thought we would make it honestly.”


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*首次发布:9月3日,2021年,12:00 pm CDT